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Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again?
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||
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||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css-global" data-s="">
|
||
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|
||
.advert >div{display:inline-block;margin:0.75rem 0 0;}.advert--aside{grid-column:1/-1;margin:0;}.advert--inline{border:0.0625rem solid hsla(var(--ds-color-hsl-london-85),0.5);box-shadow:none;margin-bottom:2.1875rem;margin-top:1.3125rem;}.advert--regwall{border:0.0625rem solid hsla(var(--ds-color-hsl-london-85),0.5);box-shadow:none;margin-bottom:0;margin-top:2.25rem;}.advert--leaderboard{display:none;}.advert--billboard{display:none;}.advert--full-width{margin:0 0 3rem 0;}.advert.hidden{margin:0;}@media (min-width: 60rem){.advert--leaderboard{display:block;height:9.8125rem;}.advert--full-width{margin-bottom:3.5rem;}}@media (max-width: 79.9375rem){.advert--right-rail,.layout-rhr-lower{display:none;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.advert--right-rail{grid-area:1/9/3/-1;height:40.9375rem;}.advert--right-rail .advert{box-shadow:none;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.advert--right-rail{grid-column-start:10;}}
|
||
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|
||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css-global" data-s="">
|
||
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|
||
#piano-ribbon{position:fixed;width:100%;z-index:96;}#piano-ribbon.show{bottom:0;}.tp-backdrop{background-color:hsla(var(--ds-color-hsl-london-5),0.6);left:0;position:fixed;top:0;width:100%;}.tp-backdrop.closed{display:none;}.tp-modal{left:50%;position:fixed;top:8rem;-webkit-transform:translate(-50%,0);-moz-transform:translate(-50%,0);-ms-transform:translate(-50%,0);transform:translate(-50%,0);width:100%!important;}@media (min-width:22.5rem){.tp-modal{top:50%;-webkit-transform:translate(-50%,-50%);-moz-transform:translate(-50%,-50%);-ms-transform:translate(-50%,-50%);transform:translate(-50%,-50%);}}.tp-modal.closed{display:none!important;}.tp-iframe-wrapper{max-width:100%!important;width:100%!important;}.tp-modal iframe{width:100%!important;}
|
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
@media (max-width: 37.4375rem){html.masthead-is-open,body.masthead-is-open{height:100%;overflow:hidden;}body.masthead-is-open::before{background:var(--ds-color-london-20);bottom:-50vh;content:'';height:100vh;position:fixed;width:100%;z-index:1;}}
|
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||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css ecmw3n" data-s="">
|
||
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|
||
.css-ecmw3n{background-color:var(--ds-color-london-100);position:absolute;}.css-ecmw3n,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead{width:100%;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.account-is-open,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.search-is-open{position:fixed;z-index:98;}.css-ecmw3n +div,.css-ecmw3n +div+footer{position:relative;top:7.25rem;}@media (max-width: 37.4375rem){.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.search-is-open{overflow-y:scroll;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.account-is-open{overflow-y:scroll;height:100%;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open{height:100%;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open::after{background:var(--ds-color-london-20);bottom:-50vh;content:'';height:100vh;position:fixed;width:100%;z-index:-1;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead +div,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead +div+footer{top:7.25rem;}}@media (min-width: 22.5rem){.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead{margin-bottom:1rem;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open{height:100%;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead +div,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead +div+footer{top:7.25rem;}}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead{margin-bottom:0.5rem;}.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.is-open,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.account-is-open,.css-ecmw3n .ds-masthead.search-is-open{height:auto;position:absolute;}.css-ecmw3n +div,.css-ecmw3n +div+footer{top:7.25rem;}}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-ecmw3n +div,.css-ecmw3n +div+footer{top:8.5rem;}}@media (max-width: 19.5625rem){.css-ecmw3n +div,.css-ecmw3n +div+footer{top:10.5rem;}}
|
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css 9rt3sc" data-s="">
|
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||
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|
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|
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css 1bfdg3q" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
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||
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|
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|
||
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|
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||
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|
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|
||
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|
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|
||
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|
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||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
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|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css b4a1pi" data-s="">
|
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|
||
.css-b4a1pi{margin-bottom:0.25rem;white-space:pre-wrap;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-b4a1pi{margin-bottom:0.5rem;}}
|
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|
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</style>
|
||
<style data-emotion="css 1te5c83" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-1te5c83{color:var(--ds-color-economist-red);font-family:var(--ds-type-system-sans);font-size:var(--ds-type-scale--1);font-weight:400;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-lower);}.css-1te5c83 a{-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;color:inherit;-webkit-transition:color var(--ds-interactions-transition);transition:color var(--ds-interactions-transition);outline:solid transparent;}.css-1te5c83 a:hover,.css-1te5c83 a:active{color:var(--ds-color-chicago-30);}.css-1te5c83 a:hover span{-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.css-1te5c83 a:focus{color:var(--ds-color-london-10);background-color:var(--ds-color-chicago-95);}
|
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|
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css fk78xg" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-fk78xg{color:var(--header-headline-color, var(--ds-color-london-10));font-family:var(--ds-type-system-serif);font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-6);font-weight:400;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-upper);}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-fk78xg{font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-8);line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-upper);}}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-fk78xg{font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-9);line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-upper);}}
|
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css o55d57" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-o55d57{color:var(--header-rubric-color, var(--ds-color-london-10));font-family:var(--ds-type-system-serif);font-size:var(--ds-type-scale-2);font-style:normal;font-weight:400;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-lower);}
|
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|
||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css kpd7oo" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-kpd7oo{position:relative;}@media (min-width: 22.5rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-start:1;}}@media (min-width: 52.125rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-start:1;}}@media (min-width: 68.5rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-start:2;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-start:3;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-start:4;}}@media (min-width: 22.5rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-end:7;}}@media (min-width: 52.125rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-end:10;}}@media (min-width: 68.5rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-end:9;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-end:9;}}@media (min-width: 89rem){.css-kpd7oo{grid-column-end:12;}}.css-kpd7oo:last-child::after{height:0;}
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css 1ugvd2u" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-1ugvd2u{margin-top:2.5rem;}.css-1ugvd2u img{width:100%;}@media (min-width: 60rem){.css-1ugvd2u{margin-top:3rem;}}
|
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|
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</style>
|
||
<style data-emotion="css qts40t" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-qts40t img{display:block;}.css-qts40t .edweubf2{margin-top:0.25rem;}
|
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|
||
</style>
|
||
<style data-emotion="css 18w36g1" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
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|
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|
||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css 6pzdis" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-6pzdis{font-family:var(--ds-type-system-sans-smallcaps);font-size:var(--ds-type-scale--1);font-weight:400;font-variant-ligatures:none;line-height:var(--ds-type-leading-lower);text-transform:lowercase;color:var(--ds-color-london-35);}.edweubf0+.css-6pzdis{margin-left:0.5rem;}
|
||
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|
||
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|
||
<style data-emotion="css 17yzdrv" data-s="">
|
||
<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-17yzdrv .e8htone0{margin-bottom:1.75rem;padding-top:1.75rem;border-top:0.0625rem solid var(--ds-color-london-85);}.css-17yzdrv .e1hqvufh0{padding:1.25rem 0;border-top:0.0625rem solid var(--ds-color-london-85);display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-box-pack:center;-ms-flex-pack:center;-webkit-justify-content:center;justify-content:center;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;}.css-17yzdrv .e1hqvufh0 +.e1a395ds0{margin-top:0;}
|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css 1fiks87" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
||
.css-1fiks87{margin-top:0.25rem;}.css-1fiks87 +.ev2vbd30{margin-top:0.75rem;}@media (min-width: 37.5rem){.css-1fiks87 +.ev2vbd30{margin-top:1.75rem;}}@media (min-width: 80rem){.css-1fiks87{margin-top:0.25rem;}}
|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css 19diqro" data-s="">
|
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|
||
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|
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|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css w0h03k" data-s="">
|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css j5ehde" data-s="">
|
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|
||
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|
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|
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|
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|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css 1s3lugw" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
||
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<style data-emotion="css jn6owm" data-s="">
|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css 12k3cm0" data-s="">
|
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<![CDATA[
|
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|
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<style data-emotion="css 1746s8a" data-s="">
|
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Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again?
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Some conservative legal scholars think so—but the idea is a long shot 
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<img alt="Donald Trump speaks on the stage at South Dakota Republican party rally in Rapid City" fetchpriority="high" width="1280" height="720" decoding="async" data-nimg="1" style="color:transparent" sizes="(min-width: 960px) 700px, 95vw" srcset="https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=360,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 360w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=384,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 384w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=480,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 480w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=600,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 600w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=834,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 834w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=960,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 960w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=1096,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 1096w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=1280,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 1280w, https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=1424,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg 1424w" src="https://www.economist.com/cdn-cgi/image/width=1424,quality=80,format=auto/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg" />
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<time datetime="2023-09-20T13:06:41.886Z" class="css-j5ehde exy50qi0"><!-- -->Sep 20th 2023</time>
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<span data-caps="initial">D</span><small>ONALD TRUMP’S</small> campaign for re-election is dogged with <a href="https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2022/10/05/how-much-legal-jeopardy-is-donald-trump-in">legal woes</a>. The former president faces the prospect of <a href="https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/06/a-primer-on-trumps-criminal-trials">four criminal trials</a> on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House.
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America’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection  at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?
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Trump speaks on the stage at South Dakota Republican party rally in Rapid City"},"promo":null,"__typename":"Media"},"description":"Some conservative legal scholars think so—but the idea is a long shot","datePublished":"2023-09-20T13:06:41Z","dateModified":"2023-09-20T15:18:03Z","dateRevised":"2023-09-20T13:06:42Z","dateRevisedString":"Sep 20th 2023","datePublishedString":"Sep 20th 2023","dateCreated":"2023-09-20T13:06:34Z","copyrightYear":2023,"inLanguage":"en","byline":"","dateline":null,"topic":null,"text":[{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"type":"tag","name":"span","attribs":{"data-caps":"initial"},"children":[{"data":"D","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"small","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"ONALD TRUMP’S","type":"text"}]},{"data":" campaign for re-election is dogged with 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The former president faces the prospect of ","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"a","attribs":{"href":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/06/a-primer-on-trumps-criminal-trials"},"children":[{"data":"four criminal trials","type":"text"}]},{"data":" on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"America’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"The idea gained prominence in August when two respected legal scholars from the right—Will Baude of the University of Chicago and Michael Stokes Paulsen of the University of St Thomas in Minneapolis—answered this question with an emphatic “yes”. In a 126-page article, to be published next year in the ","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"i","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"University of Pennsylvania Law Review","type":"text"}]},{"data":", they contend that Section 3 “disqualifies” Mr Trump “and potentially many others” who played a role in “the attempted overthrow of the 2020 presidential election”. J. Michael Luttig, a judge appointed by George W. Bush, and Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, endorsed the proposal. ","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"But other scholars on the left and right have voiced doubts that Mr Trump’s contributions to the January 6th riot automatically bar him from office. Some question whether the former president can be said to have engaged in an insurrection. Many point to a precedent from 1869 in which Salmon Chase, the chief justice, ruled that Section 3 could only be enforced by Congress. Messrs Baude and Paulsen disagree. They argue that Section 3 is “self-enforcing”. Not having engaged in insurrection or not lending support to America’s enemies, they say, is a requirement for public office in the same way that the presidential minimum age of 35 is—and secretaries of state in the 50 states are therefore empowered to remove Mr Trump’s name from the ballot for the upcoming election.","type":"text"}]},{"type":"tag","name":"p","attribs":{},"children":[{"data":"Lawsuits based on this theory are springing up. Eight voters in Minnesota filed one this month. In Colorado, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, the same watchdog that successfully sued Mr Griffin in New Mexico last year, is suing on behalf of six voters in the state. The organisation argues that Mr Trump is responsible for “recruiting, inciting and encouraging a violent mob that attacked the Capitol” and should not be listed on Colorado’s Republican primary ballot. Similar challenges were brought against Marjorie Taylor Greene and Madison Cawthorn, respectively current and former members of the House of Representatives, but neither resulted in their disqualification. If courts rule that Mr Trump is ineligible to run for office, and secretaries of state begin removing his name from ballots, quick appeals would ensue. The issue would probably reach the Supreme Court, where the justices may want to provide clarity before the first primary votes are cast in January. The surge in attention to the disqualification clause will probably remain mostly academic: it would be remarkable for a majority of the court to subject a presidential election to a largely untested legal theory. ","type":"text"},{"type":"tag","name":"span","attribs":{"data-ornament":"ufinish"},"children":[{"data":"■","type":"text"}]}]}],"bodyText":"DONALD TRUMP’S campaign for re-election is dogged with legal woes. The former president faces the prospect of four criminal trials on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House. \nAmerica’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?\nThe idea gained prominence in August when two respected legal scholars from the right—Will Baude of the University of Chicago and Michael Stokes Paulsen of the University of St Thomas in Minneapolis—answered this question with an emphatic “yes”. In a 126-page article, to be published next year in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review, they contend that Section 3 “disqualifies” Mr Trump “and potentially many others” who played a role in “the attempted overthrow of the 2020 presidential election”. J. Michael Luttig, a judge appointed by George W. Bush, and Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, endorsed the proposal. \nBut other scholars on the left and right have voiced doubts that Mr Trump’s contributions to the January 6th riot automatically bar him from office. Some question whether the former president can be said to have engaged in an insurrection. Many point to a precedent from 1869 in which Salmon Chase, the chief justice, ruled that Section 3 could only be enforced by Congress. Messrs Baude and Paulsen disagree. They argue that Section 3 is “self-enforcing”. Not having engaged in insurrection or not lending support to America’s enemies, they say, is a requirement for public office in the same way that the presidential minimum age of 35 is—and secretaries of state in the 50 states are therefore empowered to remove Mr Trump’s name from the ballot for the upcoming election.\nLawsuits based on this theory are springing up. Eight voters in Minnesota filed one this month. In Colorado, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, the same watchdog that successfully sued Mr Griffin in New Mexico last year, is suing on behalf of six voters in the state. The organisation argues that Mr Trump is responsible for “recruiting, inciting and encouraging a violent mob that attacked the Capitol” and should not be listed on Colorado’s Republican primary ballot. Similar challenges were brought against Marjorie Taylor Greene and Madison Cawthorn, respectively current and former members of the House of Representatives, but neither resulted in their disqualification. If courts rule that Mr Trump is ineligible to run for office, and secretaries of state begin removing his name from ballots, quick appeals would ensue. The issue would probably reach the Supreme Court, where the justices may want to provide clarity before the first primary votes are cast in January. The surge in attention to the disqualification clause will probably remain mostly academic: it would be remarkable for a majority of the court to subject a presidential election to a largely untested legal theory. ■","about":{"public":null,"__typename":"Taxonomies"},"print":null,"articleSection":{"public":null,"internal":null,"__typename":"Taxonomies"},"publication":[{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","type":["Blog"],"headline":"The Economist explains","description":"Subjects topical and timeless, profound and peculiar, explained with The Economist's trademark clarity and brevity","subheadline":"Explaining the world, daily","datePublished":"2014-02-06T08:58:31Z","datePublishedString":"Feb 6th 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But the allure of the tourist dollar is hard to resist","image":{"main":{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20230916_BLP502.jpg","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","width":1280,"height":720},"__typename":"Media","promo":null}},{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/11/how-to-escape-from-prison","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","id":"/content/pre7fgalugscjtuksk1c42v11ekc9g55","headline":"How to escape from prison","subheadline":"The Economist explains","description":"It is getting harder but remains possible, as Daniel Khalife proved","image":{"main":{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20230916_BLP501.jpg","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","width":1280,"height":720},"__typename":"Media","promo":null}},{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/07/why-france-is-banning-muslim-clothing-in-schools-again","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","id":"/content/2l9d1b0gsq6srlotqam6ilo6mohv77fs","headline":"Why France is banning Muslim clothing in schools (again)","subheadline":"The Economist explains","description":"Some politicians believe that the country’s secular tradition is at stake","image":{"main":{"url":{"canonical":"https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20230909_BLP507.jpg","__typename":"URL"},"__typename":"Content","width":1280,"height":720},"__typename":"Media","promo":null}}],"__typename":"HasPart"}}],"channel":{"tegID":"j53t6hsedat4l7rkbb1le98u73262sh5","__typename":"Content"},"_metadata":{"articleId":"/content/ts2c06o1c13gtf621995a74tubosdd75","tegID":"ts2c06o1c13gtf621995a74tubosdd75","title":"The Economist explains - Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again? | The Economist explains | The Economist","shareSnippet":"The Economist explains – Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again?","headline":"Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again?","section":"The Economist explains","keywords":[],"author":["The Economist"],"url":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/20/could-the-14th-amendment-bar-donald-trump-from-becoming-president-again","type":"Article","articleBody":"DONALD TRUMP’S campaign for re-election is dogged with legal woes. The former president faces the prospect of four criminal trials on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House. \nAmerica’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?\nThe idea gained prominence in August when two respected legal scholars from the right—Will Baude of the University of Chicago and Michael Stokes Paulsen of the University of St Thomas in Minneapolis—answered this question with an emphatic “yes”. In a 126-page article, to be published next year in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review, they contend that Section 3 “disqualifies” Mr Trump “and potentially many others” who played a role in “the attempted overthrow of the 2020 presidential election”. J. Michael Luttig, a judge appointed by George W. Bush, and Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, endorsed the proposal. \nBut other scholars on the left and right have voiced doubts that Mr Trump’s contributions to the January 6th riot automatically bar him from office. Some question whether the former president can be said to have engaged in an insurrection. Many point to a precedent from 1869 in which Salmon Chase, the chief justice, ruled that Section 3 could only be enforced by Congress. Messrs Baude and Paulsen disagree. They argue that Section 3 is “self-enforcing”. Not having engaged in insurrection or not lending support to America’s enemies, they say, is a requirement for public office in the same way that the presidential minimum age of 35 is—and secretaries of state in the 50 states are therefore empowered to remove Mr Trump’s name from the ballot for the upcoming election.\nLawsuits based on this theory are springing up. Eight voters in Minnesota filed one this month. In Colorado, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, the same watchdog that successfully sued Mr Griffin in New Mexico last year, is suing on behalf of six voters in the state. The organisation argues that Mr Trump is responsible for “recruiting, inciting and encouraging a violent mob that attacked the Capitol” and should not be listed on Colorado’s Republican primary ballot. Similar challenges were brought against Marjorie Taylor Greene and Madison Cawthorn, respectively current and former members of the House of Representatives, but neither resulted in their disqualification. If courts rule that Mr Trump is ineligible to run for office, and secretaries of state begin removing his name from ballots, quick appeals would ensue. The issue would probably reach the Supreme Court, where the justices may want to provide clarity before the first primary votes are cast in January. The surge in attention to the disqualification clause will probably remain mostly academic: it would be remarkable for a majority of the court to subject a presidential election to a largely untested legal theory. ■","description":"Some conservative legal scholars think so—but the idea is a long shot","ogDescription":"Some conservative legal scholars think so—but the idea is a long shot","imageUrl":"https://www.economist.com/media-assets/image/20230923_BLP505.jpg","imageHeight":720,"imageWidth":1280,"datePublished":"2023-09-20T13:06:41Z","dateModified":"2023-09-20T15:18:03Z","dateCreated":"2023-09-20T13:06:34Z","isPrintArticle":false,"printEdition":"2014-02-06T08:58:31Z","copyrightYear":2023,"dateline":"","inLanguage":"en","interactive":false,"scripts":[],"css":[]}},"cp2Content":{"id":"d2d4bce3-824e-4d1f-883f-eb22b323bfde","tegId":"ts2c06o1c13gtf621995a74tubosdd75","url":"/the-economist-explains/2023/09/20/could-the-14th-amendment-bar-donald-trump-from-becoming-president-again","headline":"Could the 14th Amendment bar Donald Trump from becoming president again?","flyTitle":"The Economist explains","rubric":"Some conservative legal scholars think so—but the idea is a long shot ","byline":null,"dateline":null,"layout":{"headerStyle":"STANDARD"},"authors":[],"ads":null,"brand":"ECONOMIST","dateModified":"2023-09-20T15:18:16.479Z","dateCreated":"2023-09-20T13:06:46.122Z","datePublished":"2023-09-20T15:18:03.000Z","dateFirstPublished":"2023-09-20T13:06:41.886Z","dateRevised":"2023-09-20T13:06:42.000Z","leadComponent":{"type":"IMAGE","url":"https://www.economist.com/content-assets/images/20230923_BLP505.jpg","altText":"Donald Trump speaks on the stage at South Dakota Republican party rally in Rapid City","imageType":"UNKNOWN","credit":"Reuters","source":"Reuters","caption":{"textHtml":""},"width":1280,"height":720},"body":[{"type":"PARAGRAPH","text":"DONALD TRUMP’S campaign for re-election is dogged with legal woes. The former president faces the prospect of four criminal trials on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House.","textHtml":"\u003cspan data-caps=\"initial\"\u003eD\u003c/span\u003e\u003csmall\u003eONALD TRUMP’S\u003c/small\u003e campaign for re-election is dogged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2022/10/05/how-much-legal-jeopardy-is-donald-trump-in\"\u003elegal woes\u003c/a\u003e. The former president faces the prospect of \u003ca href=\"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/2023/09/06/a-primer-on-trumps-criminal-trials\"\u003efour criminal trials\u003c/a\u003e on felony charges, which will overlap with the Republican primary season and the general-election campaign. But another type of legal trouble could further complicate his return to the White House."},{"type":"PARAGRAPH","text":"America’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?","textHtml":"America’s constitution—which Mr Trump swore to uphold on January 20th 2017—includes a provision barring people who have taken such an oath from holding federal office if they have “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against the country or “given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof”. This language, found in Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, was ratified after the civil war to prevent former Confederate rebels from having a hand in running the country they had tried to saw in half. The disqualification clause has seen something of a renaissance. A year ago, Couy Griffin, then a county commissioner in New Mexico, was removed from office by a state judge for engaging in insurrection at the Capitol on January 6th. But could this constitutional provision really thwart Mr Trump’s quest for a second presidential term?"},{"type":"PARAGRAPH","text":"The idea gained prominence in August when two respected legal scholars from the right—Will Baude of the University of Chicago and Michael Stokes Paulsen of the University of St Thomas in Minneapolis—answered this question with an emphatic “yes”. In a 126-page article, to be published next year in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review, they contend that Section 3 “disqualifies” Mr Trump “and potentially many others” who played a role in “the attempted overthrow of the 2020 presidential election”. J. Michael Luttig, a judge appointed by George W. Bush, and Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, endorsed the proposal.","textHtml":"The idea gained prominence in August when two respected legal scholars from the right—Will Baude of the University of Chicago and Michael Stokes Paulsen of the University of St Thomas in Minneapolis—answered this question with an emphatic “yes”. In a 126-page article, to be published next year in the \u003ci\u003eUniversity of Pennsylvania Law Review\u003c/i\u003e, they contend that Section 3 “disqualifies” Mr Trump “and potentially many others” who played a role in “the attempted overthrow of the 2020 presidential election”. J. Michael Luttig, a judge appointed by George W. Bush, and Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, endorsed the proposal."},{"type":"PARAGRAPH","text":"But other scholars on the left and right have voiced doubts that Mr Trump’s contributions to the January 6th riot automatically bar him from office. Some question whether the former president can be said to have engaged in an insurrection. Many point to a precedent from 1869 in which Salmon Chase, the chief justice, ruled that Section 3 could only be enforced by Congress. Messrs Baude and Paulsen disagree. They argue that Section 3 is “self-enforcing”. Not having engaged in insurrection or not lending support to America’s enemies, they say, is a requirement for public office in the same way that the presidential minimum age of 35 is—and secretaries of state in the 50 states are therefore empowered to remove Mr Trump’s name from the ballot for the upcoming election.","textHtml":"But other scholars on the left and right have voiced doubts that Mr Trump’s contributions to the January 6th riot automatically bar him from office. Some question whether the former president can be said to have engaged in an insurrection. Many point to a precedent from 1869 in which Salmon Chase, the chief justice, ruled that Section 3 could only be enforced by Congress. Messrs Baude and Paulsen disagree. They argue that Section 3 is “self-enforcing”. Not having engaged in insurrection or not lending support to America’s enemies, they say, is a requirement for public office in the same way that the presidential minimum age of 35 is—and secretaries of state in the 50 states are therefore empowered to remove Mr Trump’s name from the ballot for the upcoming election."},{"type":"PARAGRAPH","text":"Lawsuits based on this theory are springing up. Eight voters in Minnesota filed one this month. In Colorado, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, the same watchdog that successfully sued Mr Griffin in New Mexico last year, is suing on behalf of six voters in the state. The organisation argues that Mr Trump is responsible for “recruiting, inciting and encouraging a violent mob that attacked the Capitol” and should not be listed on Colorado’s Republican primary ballot. Similar challenges were brought against Marjorie Taylor Greene and Madison Cawthorn, respectively current and former members of the House of Representatives, but neither resulted in their disqualification. If courts rule that Mr Trump is ineligible to run for office, and secretaries of state begin removing his name from ballots, quick appeals would ensue. The issue would probably reach the Supreme Court, where the justices may want to provide clarity before the first primary votes are cast in January. The surge in attention to the disqualification clause will probably remain mostly academic: it would be remarkable for a majority of the court to subject a presidential election to a largely untested legal theory. ■","textHtml":"Lawsuits based on this theory are springing up. Eight voters in Minnesota filed one this month. In Colorado, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, the same watchdog that successfully sued Mr Griffin in New Mexico last year, is suing on behalf of six voters in the state. The organisation argues that Mr Trump is responsible for “recruiting, inciting and encouraging a violent mob that attacked the Capitol” and should not be listed on Colorado’s Republican primary ballot. Similar challenges were brought against Marjorie Taylor Greene and Madison Cawthorn, respectively current and former members of the House of Representatives, but neither resulted in their disqualification. If courts rule that Mr Trump is ineligible to run for office, and secretaries of state begin removing his name from ballots, quick appeals would ensue. The issue would probably reach the Supreme Court, where the justices may want to provide clarity before the first primary votes are cast in January. The surge in attention to the disqualification clause will probably remain mostly academic: it would be remarkable for a majority of the court to subject a presidential election to a largely untested legal theory. \u003cspan class=\"ufinish\"\u003e■\u003c/span\u003e"}],"footer":[],"section":{"name":"The Economist explains","url":"https://www.economist.com/the-economist-explains/"},"seo":{"title":null,"description":null}},"statusCode":200,"paywallCheck":{"shouldDropPaywall":false},"featureFlags":["SF_SIGNPOSTING","SOURCEPOINT","ONBOARDING_NOTIFICATION","ONBOARDING_GROUP_NOTIFICATION","OPTIMIZELY_SELF_HOSTING","LAPSED_USER_NOTIFICATION","CP2","IN_THIS_REPORT","REGISTRANT_ONBOARDING","SITEMAP","APP_PROMO_PAGE","CLOUDFLARE_IMAGE_FORMAT","NEXT_SCRIPT_THIRD_PARTIES","PODCAST_SHOW_PROMO_LINK_WIB","SHOW_ARTICLE_UPDATED_DATE","SUMMER_EDITION_1843","CP2_MIXING","CP2_LEAD_IMAGES","CP2_SKELETON","CP2_BODY","CP2_FEATURE_HEADER","PODCAST_NATIVE_AUDIO_PLAYER"],"newsletters":{"newsletters":[{"code":"the_war_room","availableTo":["core"],"ident":"the-war-room","title":"The War Room","frequency":"Weekly","imageUrl":"https://myaccount.economist.com/file-asset-public/the_war_room?oid=00D3z000002JvyiEAC","tagline":"Subscriber only","slug":"the-war-room","hasPreview":true,"isNew":false,"description":"The best of \u003cem\u003eThe Economist\u003c/em\u003e’s defence coverage, in one place","promo":{"title":"","description":"","tagline":"Subscriber only"},"keywords":[],"priority":-1,"isKeywordFallback":false,"onboardingPreSelect":false,"live":true},{"code":"plot_twist","availableTo":["core"],"ident":"plot-twist","title":"Plot Twist","frequency":"Weekly","imageUrl":"https://myaccount.economist.com/file-asset-public/Plot_Twist?oid=00D3z000002JvyiEAC","tagline":"Subscriber only","slug":"plot-twist","hasPreview":true,"isNew":false,"description":"A weekly conversation about culture. 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